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导读: ted演讲原文(共7篇)Alison KillingTED演讲原文和翻译There’s a better way to die,and architecture can help原文0:11Id like to tell y...

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ted演讲原文【一】:Alison KillingTED演讲原文和翻译

There’s a better way to die,and architecture can help


0:11I'd like to tell you a story about death and architecture. 我想告诉你一个关于死亡与建筑的故事。

0:15A hundred years ago, we tended to die of infectious diseases like pneumonia, that, if they took hold, would take us away quite quickly. We tended to die at home, in our own beds, looked after by family,although that was the default option because a lot of people lacked access to medical care.


0:32And then in the 20th century a lot of things changed. We developed new medicines like penicillin so we could treat those infectious diseases. New medical technologies like x-ray machines were invented.And because they were so big and expensive, we needed large, centralized buildings to keep them in,and they became our modern hospitals.


0:50After the Second World War, a lot of countries set up universal healthcare systems so that everyone who needed treatment could get it. The result was that lifespans extended from about 45 at the start of the century to almost double that today. The 20th century was this time of huge optimism about what science could offer, but with all of the focus on life, death was forgotten, even as our approach to death changed dramatically. 第二次世界大战后,许多国家建立了全民医疗制度,大家谁需要治疗能得到它。其结果是,人们的寿命由20世纪初的45岁到今天几乎增加了一倍。 20世纪是对于科学抱着高度的乐观的时间,但一切都是注重生活,死亡被遗忘,甚至我们死亡的方式发生了巨大变化。

1:14Now, I'm an architect, and for the past year and a half I've been looking at these changes and at what they mean for architecture related to death and dying. We now tend to die of cancer and heart disease,and what that means is that many of us will have a long period of chronic illness at the end of our lives.During that period, we'll likely spend a lot of time in hospitals and hospices and care homes.


1:37Now, we've all been in a modern hospital. You know those fluorescent

lights and the endless corridorsand those rows of uncomfortable chairs. Hospital architecture has earned its bad reputation. But the surprising thing is, it wasn't always like this.

现在,我们都已经在现代化医院。你知道那些荧光灯和无尽的走廊和一行行不舒服的椅子。医院建筑已经赢得了不好的名声。但令人惊奇的是,它并不总是这样。 1:53This is L'Ospedale degli Innocenti, built in 1419 by Brunelleschi, who was one of the most famous and influential architects of his time. And when I look at this building and then think about hospitals today,what amazes me is this building's ambition. It's just a really great building. It has these courtyards in the middle so that all of the rooms have daylight and fresh air, and the rooms are big and they have high ceilings, so they just feel more comfortable to be in. And it's also beautiful. Somehow, we've forgotten that that's even possible for a hospital.


2:24Now, if we want better buildings for dying, then we have to talk about it, but because we find the subject of death uncomfortable, we don't talk

about it, and we don't question how we as a society approach death. One of the things that surprised me most in my research, though, is how changeable attitudes actually are. This is the first crematorium in the U.K., which was built in Woking in the 1870s.And when this was first built, there were protests in the local village. Cremation wasn't socially acceptable, and 99.8 percent of people got buried. And yet, only a hundred years later, three quarters of us get cremated. People are actually really open to changing things if they're given the chance to talk about them. 现在,如果我们想要更好的临终建筑物,那么我们要谈论它,但因为我们认为死亡的主题不舒服,我们不谈论它,我们不怀疑我们作为一个社会群体会如何接近死亡。不过,我的研究中让我感到惊讶的大部分东西是多变的态度实际上是如何的。这是19世纪70年代建在英国沃金的第一个火葬场。当这个初建时,有当地村民的抗议活动。火葬不是为社会所接受,和人们99.8%得到了安葬。然而,只有一百多年后,我们中的四分之三得到火化。如果人们有机会谈论,其实人是可以接受改变的东西的,

3:03So this conversation about death and architecture was what I wanted to start when I did my first exhibition on it in Venice in June, which was called "Death in Venice." It was designed to be quite playful so that people would literally engage with it. This is one of our exhibits, which is an interactive map of London that shows just how much of the real estate in the city is given over to death and dying,and as you wave your hand across the map, the name of that piece of real estate, the building or


cemetery, is revealed. Another of our exhibits was a series of postcards that people could take away with them. And they showed people's homes and hospitals and cemeteries and mortuaries, and they tell the story of the different spaces that we pass through on either side of death. We wanted to show that where we die is a key part of how we die.


3:53Now, the strangest thing was the way that visitors reacted to the exhibition, especially the audio-visual works. We had people dancing and running and jumping as they tried to activate the exhibits in different ways, and at a certain point they would kind of stop and remember that they were in an exhibition about death, and that maybe that's not how you're supposed to act. But actually, I would question whether there is one way that you're supposed to act around death, and if there's not, I'd ask you to think about what you think a good death is, and what you think that architecture that supports a good death might be like, and mightn't it


< your body language shapes who you are >

So I want to start by offering you a free no-tech life hack, and all it requires of you is this: that you change your posture for two minutes. But before I give it away, I want to ask you to right now do a little audit of your body and what you're doing with your body. So how many of you are sort of making yourselves smaller? Maybe you're hunching, crossing your legs, maybe wrapping your ankles. Sometimes we hold onto our arms like this. Sometimes we spread out. (Laughter) I see you. (Laughter) So I want you to pay attention to what you're doing right now. We're going to come back to that in a few minutes, and I'm hoping that if you learn to tweak this a little bit, it could significantly change the way your life unfolds.


So, we're really fascinated with body language, and we're particularly interested in other people's body language. You know, we're interested in, like, you know — (Laughter) — an awkward interaction, or a smile, or a contemptuous glance, or maybe a very awkward wink, or maybe even something like a handshake.


Narrator: Here they are arriving at Number 10, and look at this lucky policeman gets to shake hands with the President of the United States. Oh, and here comes the Prime Minister of the — ? No. (Laughter) (Applause) (Laughter) (Applause)


Amy Cuddy: So a handshake, or the lack of a handshake, can have us talking for weeks and weeks and weeks. Even the BBC and The New York Times. So obviously when we think about nonverbal behavior, or body language -- but we call it nonverbals as social scientists -- it's language, so we think about communication. When we think about communication, we think about interactions. So what is your body language communicating to me? What's mine communicating to you? 2:04


And there's a lot of reason to believe that this is a valid way to look at this. So social scientists have spent a lot of time looking at the effects of our body language, or other people's body language, on judgments. And we make sweeping judgments and inferences from body language. And those judgments can predict really meaningful life outcomes like who we hire or promote, who we ask out on a date. For example, Nalini Ambady, a researcher at Tufts University, shows that when people watch 30-second soundless clips of real physician-patient interactions, their judgments of the physician's niceness predict whether or not that physician will be sued. So it doesn't have to do so much with whether or not that physician was incompetent, but do we like that person and how they interacted? Even more dramatic, Alex Todorov at Princeton has shown us that judgments of political candidates' faces in just one second predict 70 percent of U.S. Senate and gubernatorial race outcomes, and even, let's go digital, emoticons used well in online negotiations can lead to you claim more value from that negotiation. If you use them poorly, bad idea. Right? So when we think of nonverbals, we think of how we judge others, how they judge us and what the

outcomes are. We tend to forget, though, the other audience that's influenced by our nonverbals, and that's ourselves.


We are also influenced by our nonverbals, our thoughts and our feelings and our physiology. So what nonverbals am I talking about? I'm a social psychologist. I study prejudice, and I teach at a competitive business school, so it was inevitable that I would become interested in power dynamics. I became especially interested in nonverbal expressions of power and dominance.


And what are nonverbal expressions of power and dominance? Well, this is what they are. So in the animal kingdom, they are about expanding. So you make yourself big, you stretch out, you take up space, you're basically opening up. It's about opening up. And this is true across the animal kingdom. It's not just limited to primates. And humans do the same thing. (Laughter) So they do this both when they have power sort of chronically, and also when they're feeling powerful in the moment. And this one is especially interesting because it really shows us how universal and old these expressions of power are. This expression, which is known as pride, Jessica Tracy has studied. She shows that people who are born with sight and people who are congenitally blind do this when they win at a physical competition. So when they cross the finish line and they've won, it doesn't matter if they've never seen anyone do it. They do this. So the arms up in the V, the chin is slightly lifted. What do we do when we feel powerless? We do exactly the opposite. We close up. We wrap ourselves up. We make ourselves small. We don't want to bump into the person next to us. So again, both animals and humans do the same thing. And this is what happens when you put together high and low power. So what we tend to do when it comes to power is that we complement the other's nonverbals. So if someone is being really powerful with us, we tend to make ourselves smaller. We don't mirror them. We do the opposite of them.


So I'm watching this behavior in the classroom, and what do I notice? I notice that MBA students really exhibit the full range of power nonverbals. So you have people who are like caricatures of alphas, really coming into the room, they get right into the middle of the room before class even starts, like they really want to occupy space. When they sit down, they're sort of spread out. They raise their hands like this. You have other people who are virtually collapsing when they come in. As soon they come in, you see it. You see it on their faces and their bodies, and they sit in their chair and they make themselves tiny, and they go like this when they raise their hand. I notice a couple of things about this. One, you're not going to be surprised. It seems to be related to gender. So women are much more likely to do this kind of thing than men. Women feel chronically less powerful than men, so this is not surprising. But the other thing I noticed is that it also seemed to be related to the extent to which the students were participating, and how well they were participating. And this is really important in the MBA classroom, because participation counts for half the grade. 6:33

So business schools have been struggling with this gender grade gap. You get these equally qualified women and men coming in and then you get these differences in grades, and it seems to be partly attributable to participation. So I started to wonder, you know, okay, so you have these people coming in like this, and they're participating. Is it possible that we could get people to fake it and would it lead them to participate more?


So my main collaborator Dana Carney, who's at Berkeley, and I really wanted to know, can you fake it till you make it? Like, can you do this just for a little while and actually experience a behavioral outcome that makes you seem more powerful? So we know that our nonverbals govern how other people think and feel about us. There's a lot of evidence. But our question really was, do our nonverbals govern how we think and feel about ourselves?


There's some evidence that they do. So, for example, we smile when we feel happy, but also, when we're forced to smile by holding a pen in our teeth like this, it makes us feel happy. So it goes both ways. When it comes to power, it also goes both ways. So when you feel powerful, you're more likely to do this, but it's also possible that when you pretend to be powerful, you are more likely to actually feel powerful. 7:57

So the second question really was, you know, so we know that our minds change our bodies, but is it also true that our bodies change our minds? And when I say minds, in the case of the powerful, what am I talking about? So I'm talking about thoughts and feelings and the sort of physiological things that make up our thoughts and feelings, and in my case, that's hormones. I look at hormones. So what do the minds of the powerful versus the powerless look like? So powerful people tend to be, not surprisingly, more assertive and more confident, more optimistic. They actually feel that they're going to win even at games of chance. They also tend to be able to think more abstractly. So there are a lot of differences. They take more risks. There are a lot of differences between powerful and powerless people. Physiologically, there also are differences on two key hormones: testosterone, which is the dominance hormone, and cortisol, which is the stress hormone. So what we find is that high-power alpha males in primate hierarchies have high testosterone and low cortisol, and powerful and effective leaders also have high testosterone and low cortisol. So what does that mean? When you think about power, people tended to think only about testosterone, because that was about dominance. But really, power is also about how you react to stress. So do you want the high-power leader that's dominant, high on testosterone, but really stress reactive? Probably not, right? You want the person who's powerful and assertive and dominant, but not very stress reactive, the person who's laid back.


So we know that in primate hierarchies, if an alpha needs to take over, if an individual needs to take over an alpha role sort of suddenly, within a few days, that individual's testosterone has gone up significantly and his cortisol has dropped significantly. So we have this evidence, both that the body can shape the mind, at least at the facial

level, and also that role changes can shape the mind. So what happens, okay, you take a role change, what happens if you do that at a really minimal level, like this tiny manipulation, this tiny intervention? "For two minutes," you say, "I want you to stand like this, and it's going to make you feel more powerful."


So this is what we did. We decided to bring people into the lab and run a little experiment, and these people adopted, for two minutes, either high-power poses or low-power poses, and I'm just going to show you five of the poses, although they took on only two. So here's one. A couple more. This one has been dubbed the "Wonder Woman" by the media. Here are a couple more. So you can be standing or you can be sitting. And here are the low-power poses. So you're folding up, you're making yourself small. This one is very low-power. When you're touching your neck, you're really protecting yourself. So this is what happens. They come in, they spit into a vial, we for two minutes say, "You need to do this or this." They don't look at pictures of the poses. We don't want to prime them with a concept of power. We want them to be feeling power, right? So two minutes they do this. We then ask them, "How powerful do you feel?" on a series of items, and then we give them an opportunity to gamble, and then we take another saliva sample. That's it. That's the whole experiment. 11:28

So this is what we find. Risk tolerance, which is the gambling, what we find is that when you're in the high-power pose condition, 86 percent of you will gamble. When you're in the low-power pose condition, only 60 percent, and that's a pretty whopping significant difference. Here's what we find on testosterone. From their baseline when they come in, high-power people experience about a 20-percent increase, and low-power people experience about a 10-percent decrease. So again, two minutes, and you get these changes. Here's what you get on cortisol. High-power people experience about a 25-percent decrease, and the low-power people experience about a 15-percent increase. So two minutes lead to these hormonal changes that configure your brain to basically be either assertive, confident and comfortable, or really stress-reactive, and, you know, feeling sort of shut down. And we've all had the feeling, right? So it seems that our nonverbals do govern how we think and feel about ourselves, so it's not just others, but it's also ourselves. Also, our bodies change our minds.


But the next question, of course, is can power posing for a few minutes really change your life in meaningful ways? So this is in the lab. It's this little task, you know, it's just a couple of minutes. Where can you actually apply this? Which we cared about, of course. And so we think it's really, what matters, I mean, where you want to use this is evaluative situations like social threat situations. Where are you being evaluated, either by your friends? Like for teenagers it's at the lunchroom table. It could be, you know, for some people it's speaking at a school board meeting. It might be giving a pitch or giving a talk like this or doing a job interview. We decided that the one that most people could relate to because most people had been through was the job interview.


So we published these findings, and the media are all over it, and they say, Okay, so this is what you do when you go in for the job interview, right? (Laughter) You know, so we were of course horrified, and said, Oh my God, no, no, no, that's not what we meant at all. For numerous reasons, no, no, no, don't do that. Again, this is not about you talking to other people. It's you talking to yourself. What do you do before you go into a job interview? You do this. Right? You're sitting down. You're looking at your iPhone -- or your Android, not trying to leave anyone out. You are, you know, you're looking at your notes, you're hunching up, making yourself small, when really what you should be doing maybe is this, like, in the bathroom, right? Do that. Find two minutes. So that's what we want to test. Okay? So we bring people into a lab, and they do either high- or low-power poses again, they go through a very stressful job interview. It's five minutes long. They are being recorded. They're being judged also, and the judges are trained to give no nonverbal feedback, so they look like this. Like, imagine this is the person interviewing you. So for five minutes, nothing, and this is worse than being heckled. People hate this. It's what Marianne LaFrance calls "standing in social quicksand." So this really spikes your cortisol. So this is the job interview we put them through, because we really wanted to see what happened. We then have these coders look at these tapes, four of them. They're blind to the hypothesis. They're blind to the conditions. They have no idea who's been posing in what pose, and they end up looking at these sets of tapes, and they say, "Oh, we want to hire these people," -- all the high-power posers -- "we don't want to hire these people. We also evaluate these people much more positively overall." But what's driving it? It's not about the content of the speech. It's about the presence that they're bringing to the speech. We also, because we rate them on all these variables related to competence, like, how well-structured is the speech? How good is it? What are their qualifications? No effect on those things. This is what's affected. These kinds of things. People are bringing their true selves, basically. They're bringing themselves. They bring their ideas, but as themselves, with no, you know, residue over them. So this is what's driving the effect, or mediating the effect.


So when I tell people about this, that our bodies change our minds and our minds can change our behavior, and our behavior can change our outcomes, they say to me, "I don't -- It feels fake." Right? So I said, fake it till you make it. I don't -- It's not me. I don't want to get there and then still feel like a fraud. I don't want to feel like an impostor. I don't want to get there only to feel like I'm not supposed to be here. And that really resonated with me, because I want to tell you a little story about being an impostor and feeling like I'm not supposed to be here.


When I was 19, I was in a really bad car accident. I was thrown out of a car, rolled several times. I was thrown from the car. And I woke up in a head injury rehab ward, and I had been withdrawn from college, and I learned that my I.Q. had dropped by two standard deviations, which was very traumatic. I knew my I.Q. because I had identified with being smart, and I had been called gifted as a child. So I'm taken out of college, I keep trying to go back. They say, "You're not going to finish college. Just,


The night before I was heading for Scotland, I was invited to host the final of " China's Got Talent" show inShanghai with the 80, 000 live audience in the stadium. Guess who was the performing guest? Susan Boyle.And I told her,

" I'm going to Scotland the next day. "www.fz173.com_ted演讲原文。

来苏格兰(做TED讲演)的前夜,我被邀请去上海做"中国达人秀"决赛的评委。在装有八万现场观众的演播厅里,在台上的表演嘉宾居然是(来自苏格兰的,因参加英国达人秀走红的)苏珊大妈(Susan Boyle)。我告诉她,"我明天就要启程去苏格兰。"

She sang beautifully, and she even managed to say a few words in Chinese. So it's not like " hello" or "thank you,

" that ordinary stuff. It means " green onion for free.

" Why did she say that? Because it was aline from our Chinese parallel Susan Boyle — a 50-some year-old woman, a vegetable vendor in Shanghai,who loves singing Western opera, but she didn't understand any English or French or Italian, so shemanaged to fill in the lyrics with vegetable names in Chinese.


她唱得很动听,还对观众说了几句中文, 她并没有说简单的"你好"或者"谢谢",她说的是——"送你葱"(Song Ni Cong)。为什么?这句话其实来源于中国版的"苏珊大妈"——一位五十岁的以卖菜为生,却对西方歌剧有出奇爱好的上海中年妇女(蔡洪平)。这位中国的苏珊大 妈并不懂英文,法语或意大利文,所以她将歌剧中的词汇都换做中文中的蔬菜名,并且演唱出来。

(Laughter) And the last sentence of Nessun Dorma that she was singing in the stadium was " green onionfor free.

" So as Susan Boyle was saying that, 80, 000 live audience sang together. That was hilarious.

在她口中,歌剧《图兰朵》的最后一句便是"Song Ni Cong"。当真正的英国苏珊大妈唱出这一句"中文的"《图兰朵》时,全场的八万观众也一起高声歌唱,场面的确有些滑稽(hilarious)。

So I guess both Susan Boyle and this vegetable vendor in Shanghai belonged to otherness. They were theleast expected to be successful in the business called entertainment, yet their courage and talent broughtthem through. And a show and a platform gave them the stage to realize their dreams. Well, beingdifferent is not that difficult. We are all different from different perspectives. But I think being different isgood, because you present a different point of view. You may have the chance to make a difference.

我想Susan Boyle和这位上海的买菜农妇的确属于人群中的少数。她们是最不可能在演艺界成功的,而她们的勇气和才华让她们成功了,这个节目和舞台给予了她们一个实现个人梦想的机会。这样看来,与众不同好像没有那么难。从不同的方面审视,我们每个人都是不同的。但是我想,与众不同是一件好事,因为你代表了不一样的观点,你拥有了做改变的机会。

My generation has been very fortunate to witness and participate in the historic transformation of Chinathat has made so many changes in the past 20,

30 years. I remember that in the year of 1990, when I wasgraduating from college, I was applying for a job in the sales department of the first five-star hotel inBeijing, Great Wall Sheraton — it's still there. So after being interrogated by this Japanese manager for ahalf an hour, he finally said, " So, Miss Yang, do you have any questions to ask me?

" I summoned mycourage and poise and said, " Yes, but could you let me know, what actually do you sell?

" I didn't have aclue what a sales department was about in a five-star hotel. That was the first day I set my foot in a five-star hotel.

我这一代中国人很幸运的目睹并且参与了中国在过去二三十年中经历的巨变。我记得1990年,当我刚大学毕业时,我申请了当时北京的第一家五星级酒店--长城喜来登酒店的销售部门的工作。这家酒店现在仍在北京。当我被一位日 本籍经理面试了一个半小时之后,他问到,"杨小姐,你有什么想问我的吗?"我屏住呼吸,问道"是的,你能告诉我,具体我需要销售些什么吗?" 当时的我,对五星级酒店的销售部门没有任何概念,事实上,那是我第一次进到一家五星级酒店。

Around the same time, I was going through an audition — the first ever open audition by nationaltelevision in China — with another thousand college girls. The producer told us they were looking for somesweet, innocent and beautiful fresh face. So when it was my turn, I stood up and said,

" Why [do] women'spersonalities on television always have to be beautiful, sweet, innocent and, you know, supportive? Whycan't they have their own ideas and their own voice?

" I thought I kind of offended them. But actually, theywere impressed by my words. And so I was in the second round of competition, and then the third and thefourth. After seven rounds of competition, I was the last one to survive it. So I was on a national televisionprime-time show.


And believe it or not, that was the first show on Chinese television that allowed its hosts to speak out oftheir own minds without reading an approved script. (Applause) And my weekly audience at that time wasbetween 200 to 300 million people.

我从此走上了国家电视台黄金时段的荧幕。你可能不相信,但在当时,我所主持的电视节目是中国第一个,不让主持人念已经审核过的稿件的节目 (掌声)。我每周需要面对两亿到三亿左右的电视观众。

Well after a few years, I decided to go to the U. S. and Columbia University to pursue my postgraduatestudies, and then started my own media company, which was unthought of during the years that I startedmy career. So we do a lot of things. I've interviewed more than a thousand people in the past. Andsometimes I have young people approaching me say,

" Lan, you changed my life,

" and I feel proud of that.But then we are also so fortunate to witness the transformation of the whole country. I was in Beijing'sbidding for the Olympic Games. I was representing the Shanghai Expo. I saw China embracing the worldand vice versa. But then sometimes I'm thinking, what are today's young generation up to? How are theydifferent, and what are the differences they are going to make to shape the future of China, or at large, theworld?

几年以后,我决定来美国哥伦比亚大学继续深造,之后也开始运营自己的媒体公司,这也是我在职业生涯初始时所没有预料到的。我的公司做很多不同的业务,在过去这些年里,我访谈过一千多人。经常有年轻人对我说,"杨澜,你改变了我的人生",我对此感到非常自豪。我也幸运的目睹了整个国家的转变:我参与了北京申奥和上海世博会。我看到中国在拥抱这个世界,而世界也进一步的接受中国。但有时我也在想,今天的年轻人的生活是什么样的?他们(与我们相比)有什么不同?他们将带给中国,甚至整个世界的未来一些怎样的变化? So today I want to talk about young people through the platform of social media. First of all, who are they?What do they look like? Well this is a girl called Guo Meimei —

20 years old, beautiful. She showed off herexpensive bags, clothes and car on her microblog, which is the Chinese version of Twitter. And she claimedto be the general manager of Red Cross at the Chamber of Commerce. She didn't realize that she steppedon a sensitive nerve and aroused national questioning, almost a turmoil, against the credibility of Red Cross.The controversy was so heated that the Red Cross had to open a press conference to clarify it, and theinvestigation is going on. So far, as of today, we know that she herself made up that title — probablybecause she feels proud to be associated with charity. All those expensive items were given to her as giftsby her boyfriend, who used to be a board member in a subdivision of Red Cross at Chamber of Commerce.

我想通过社交媒体来谈一谈中国的年轻人们。首先,他们是谁,他们是什么样子?这是一位叫郭美美的女孩儿,20岁,年轻漂亮。她在中国版的Twitter上——新浪微博上,炫耀她所拥有的奢侈品,衣服,包和车。她甚至宣称她是中国红十字会的工作人员。她没有意识到她的行为触及了中国民众极为敏感的神经,这引发了一场全民大讨论,民众开始质疑红十字会的公信力。中国红十字会为了平息这场争议甚至举办了一场记者会来澄清,直至今日,对于"郭美美事件"的调查仍在继续,但我们所知道的事实是,她谎报了她的头衔,可能是因为她的虚荣心,希望把自己和慈善机构联系起来。所有那些奢侈品都是她的男朋友给她买的,而那位"男朋友"的确曾经是红十字会的工作人员。 It's very complicated to explain. But anyway, the public still doesn't buy it. It is still boiling. It shows us ageneral mistrust of government or government-backed institutions, which lacked transparency in the past.And also it showed us the power and the impact of social media as microblog.


Microblog boomed in the year of 2010, with visitors doubled and time spent on it tripled. Sina. com, amajor news portal, alone has more than 140 million microbloggers. On Tencent,

200 million. The mostpopular blogger — it's not me — it's a movie star, and she has more than 9.

5 million followers, or fans.About 80 percent of those microbloggers are young people, under 30 years old. And because, as you know,the traditional media is still heavily controlled by the government, social media offers an opening to let thesteam out a little bit. But because you don't have many other openings, the heat coming out of thisopening is sometimes very strong, active and even violent.


So through microblogging, we are able to understand Chinese youth even better. So how are theydifferent? First of all, most of them were born in the 80s and 90s, under the one-child policy. And becauseof selected abortion by families who favored boys to girls, now we have ended up with 30 million moreyoung men than women. That could pose a potential danger to the society, but who knows; we're in aglobalized world, so they can look for girlfriends from other countries. Most of them have fairly goodeducation. The illiteracy rate in China among this generation is under one percent. In cities,

80 percent ofkids go to college. But they are facing an aging China with a population above 65 years old coming up withseven-point-some percent this year, and about to be 15 percent by the year of 2030. And you know wehave the tradition that younger generations support the elders financially, and taking care of them whenthey're sick. So it means young couples will have to support four parents who have a life expectancy of 73years old.

通过微博,我们可以更好的了解到中国的年轻一代。他们到底有什么特点呢?首先,他们中的大多数都出生在八零九零年代,在独生子女的生育政策的大背景下长大。因为偏好男孩的家庭会选择性的堕胎,现在(中国)的年轻男性的数量多过年轻女性三千万,这可能带来社会的不稳定(危险),但是我们知道,在这个全球化的社会中,他们可能可以去其他国家找女朋友。大多数人都拥有良好的教育。这一代中国人中的文盲率已经低于1%。在城市中,80%的孩子可以上大学,但他们将要面对的是一个,有接近7%的人口都是老年人的社会,这个数字会在2030年会增长到15%。在这个国家,传统是让年轻人来从经济上和医疗上来 支持老年人,这意味着,一对年轻的夫妻将需要支持四个平均年龄是73岁的老人。

So making a living is not that easy for young people. College graduates are not in short supply. In urbanareas, college graduates find the starting salary is about 400 U. S. dollars a month, while the average rent isabove $500. So what do they do? They have to share space — squeezed in very limited space to savemoney — and they call themselves " tribe of ants.

" And for those who are ready to get married and buytheir apartment, they figured out they have to work for 30 to 40 years to afford their first apartment. Thatratio in America would only cost a couple five years to earn, but in China it's 30 to 40 years with theskyrocketing real estate price.


Among the 200 million migrant workers,

60 percent of them are young people. They find themselves sortof sandwiched between the urban areas and the rural areas. Most of them don't want to go back to thecountryside, but they don't have the sense of belonging. They work for longer hours with less income, lesssocial welfare. And they're more vulnerable to job losses, subject to inflation, tightening loans from banks,appreciation of the renminbi, or decline of demand from Europe or America for the products they produce.Last year, though, an appalling incident in a southern OEM manufacturing compound in China:

13 youngworkers in their late teens and early 20s committed suicide, just one by one like causing a contagiousdisease. But th

ey died because of all different personal reasons. But this whole incident aroused a hugeoutcry from society about the isolation, both physical and mental, of these migrant workers.



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